Aggression bei Kindern: Arten, Ursachen, Intervention (German Edition)

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However, there is no indication that it differed substantially from the paper. The volume has a notation on the back cover that the copy was indeed received in He had contacted me after discovering my work via reports in Austrian media [ ]. To his credit, Silberman quotes the new evidence against Asperger in the recent editions of his book. The files were found at the pediatric clinic and transferred to the archive in [ 77 ].

Georg Frankl ; it is unknown what he did between and Medical Center, Kansas City. Michael Hubenstorf, Hans Asperger—Biography unpublished manuscript. In his interview, Asperger described how the Bund influenced his experience of puberty, which also points to the early s. Overall, his account of the Bund was a-political. This state of affairs had to be ended in a quick and radical way. Since membership was obligatory for public employees, however, this is not a reliable indicator of political sympathies.

Cited in [ 10 ]: The translation is quoted from [ 20 ]: The passage of his inaugural speech reads: I will not forget this! As far as can be inferred from the written record, Hamburger after never used this alleged episode in his defense, although he faced considerable pressure due to his Nazi past.

Under the Law for the Prevention of Hereditarily Diseased Offspring of July , specially created Hereditary Health Courts could mandate sterilization in case of one of the following diagnoses: Wolfgang Neugebauer, one of the leading historians of National Socialism in Austria, considers the Gestapo episode a complete fabrication personal correspondence with the author, 2 December In all of Austria no numbers available for Vienna only , a further 8.

Marchet to Dekanat, 17 November and 15 April Krankengeschichten , Alfred S. According to Austrian data protection laws, in many cases such as documents from public archives , full names can only be published if the person in question is confirmed dead. Krankengeschichten , Walter Brucker. Krankengeschichten , Ivo P. Krankengeschichten , Marie Klein. Krankengeschichten , Lizzy Hofbauer. Jekelius was drafted into the army and sent to the front.

After the war, Jekelius was arrested and put on trial by the Soviets. He died in a Moscow prison in For more details on Jekelius, see [ 13 ]. Nevertheless, in many psychiatric hospitals, patients continued to be killed until by means of starvation, neglect, and frequently also by more direct means such as poisoning or electric shock [ 80 , ]. September in Wien stattfindenden Conti hanged himself in in a prison cell in Nuremberg. For the proceedings of the Vienna conference, see [ 72 ].

Due to his Jewish background, Heller became an early victim of Nazi persecution after the Anschluss. He died in December , months after a suicide attempt he never recovered from. His wife and daughter were later deported and killed in Riga [ ]. Dementia infantilis Heller in English: Franz Hamburger, Referaterstattung zur Habilitationsarbeit des Dr.

Hans Asperger, 28 December A7, Parville to Vellguth et al. For details on this so-called erbbiologische Bestandsaufnahme hereditary inventory , see [ ]. A1 Spiegelgrund , Krankengeschichten: Krankengeschichten —, case histories Gertrude S. Krankengeschichten —, case history Ernst M. Overall, files pertaining to out of a total of victims have been preserved. The human remains were buried in in Vienna cf.

Kinderklinik Wien, 27 October , Dr. Illing, 22 October , cited in [ ]: In a sample of 76 files concerning children who died at Spiegelgrund or, in a few cases, at Gugging, 21 contain correspondence with parents. Krankengeschichten, , Friedrich K. A6, index card Friedrich K. Psychologisches Gutachten, 11 June , signed Igor Caruso.

After , Caruso — rose to prominence in Austria as the founder of his own psychoanalytical school. His involvement at Spiegelgrund became the subject of heated debate following a publication in which the topic was raised for the first time [ ]. After , Heinrich Gross — became one of the most prominent psychiatrists in Austria, partly thanks to the scientific exploitation of the brain specimens obtained from the children killed at Spiegelgrund [ 85 ]: Krankengeschichten, case history Karl M. Hans Asperger, 28 July He returned to Vienna on 22 September , after several months as a prisoner of war: A remark in his textbook, first published in , points in a similar direction: On the denazification of the medical profession in Austria, see [ ].

The author wishes to thank Thomas Mayer for the reference to this passage. It served to deny benefits to war veterans who suffered from what today would be called PTSD. After World War II, the concept was often turned against survivors of Nazi medical experiments, concentration camps, and ghettoes, again by denying a causal link between experiences of persecution and long-term effects on mental health [ ]: A paper that Asperger published in with his colleague Heribert Goll demonstrates to what extent Asperger thought that inborn if not necessarily hereditary characteristics determined personality traits in later life.

The article was published in the journal Der Erbarzt , edited by leading race hygienist Otmar von Verschuer — [ ]. I thank Gertrude Czipke for these documents. There is no indication that Max actually suffered from epilepsy. His paternalistic approach, focus on segregation, use of non-approved drugs, and support for sterilization remain controversial [ , ].

National Center for Biotechnology Information , U. Journal List Mol Autism v. Published online Apr Author information Article notes Copyright and License information Disclaimer. Received Feb 28; Accepted Mar Associated Data Data Availability Statement All the referenced archival documents are available at the public archives cited.

Results Asperger managed to accommodate himself to the Nazi regime and was rewarded for his affirmations of loyalty with career opportunities. Background Despite the international prominence of Hans Asperger Fig. Open in a separate window. The only known source for this claim is Asperger himself, who mentioned the incident in at his inauguration as the Vienna chair of pediatrics [ 48 ] and in the above-cited interview: Asperger and Nazi race hygiene Although Asperger published at least a dozen papers during the Nazi period, the existing especially English-language literature focuses almost exclusively on two of these: One of the most significant passages in this regard is contained in his paper on autism: This is in line with his speech, in which he also expressed his determination to side with his patients: Instead, this is what Jekelius had to say about Asperger and his therapeutic approach: Asperger briefly mentioned his war experiences in his interview: Acknowledgements My special thanks go to Prof.

Availability of data and materials All the referenced archival documents are available at the public archives cited. Ethics approval and consent to participate Not applicable. Consent for publication Not applicable. Competing interests The author declares that he has no competing interests. Das psychisch abnorme Kind. Autobiographische Aussagen von Hans Asperger. Accessed 28 March Widhalm K, Pollak A, editors. Asperger and his syndrome. Autism and asperger syndrome. Cambridge University Press; Translated and annotated by Uta Frith. Autism and Asperger syndrome. Hundert Jahre Kinder- und Jugendpsychiatrie.

Thirty neurological eponyms associated with the Nazi era. Austrofaschismus, Nationalsozialismus und die Folgen. Medizinische Fachgesellschaften im Nationalsozialismus. Lyons V, Fitzgerald M. Did Hans Asperger — have Asperger syndrome? J Autism Dev Disord. A history of autism: The legacy of autism and the future of neurodiversity. Asperger — and Kanner — , the two pioneers of autism. Donvan J, Zucker C. In a Different Key: Hippler K, Klicpera C. Z Kinder Jugendpsychiatr Psychother. Hans Asperger and his patients.

Development and brain systems in autism. Gabriel E, Neugebauer W, editors. Von der Zwangssterilisierung zur Ermordung. Asperger H, Siegl J. Zur Behandlung der Enuresis. Jugend und Volk; Risak E, Asperger H. Theodor Veiters und ihrer katholischen und politischen Netzwerke PhD thesis. The resistance in Austria, — University of Minnesota Press; Kardinal zwischen Hitler und Rom.

Zur heutigen Behandlung der Jugendfrage. Die Wiener Pressefrage II. LZ Die Juden Wiens. Das Tagebuch des Hansi Busztin. Josef Feldner — 75 Jahre. Beiblatt der Zeitschrift Erziehung und Unterricht. Database of Shoah victims. Accessed 18 Dec Entry Marie Klein http: Studien zur Rassenpolitik und Frauenpolitik.

Prinz M, Zitelmann R, editors. Kinderpsychiatrie und Psychotherapie in Wien. Das psychisch abnorme kind. Schepker K, Fangerau H. Eine Gratwanderung zwischen historischer Hypothek und sozialpsychiatrischem Anspruch. Kinder- und Jugendpsychiatrie im Nationalsozialismus und in der Nachkriegszeit. Zur Geschichte ihrer Konsolidierung.

Warum das Wiener Jugendamt seinem Erziehungsberater nicht folgte. Aichhorn T, Fallend K, editors. Mit einem Essay von Reinhard Sieder. Accessed 6 Feb Zwischen Krieg und Euthanasie: Zwangssterilisationen in Wien — Verlag Walter de Gruyter: Berlin, New York; Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag; Rubenfeld S, Benedict S, editors.

Human Sujects research after the holocaust. Cham, Heidelberg, New York et al: Wirtschaft und Besatzung in Serbien — Die Psychopathologie der jugendlichen Kriminellen. Rassenhygienische Radikalisierung und kollegialer Konsens. Die Verbindung nach Auschwitz. Biowissenschaften und Menschenversuche an Kaiser-Wilhelm-Instituten.

Erbliche Geisteskrankheiten und Psychopathien. Menschliche Erblehre und Rassenhygiene. Seelische Abwegigkeiten als Ursachen der Jugendverwahrlosung. Sieder R, Smioski A. Gewalt gegen Kinder in Erziehungsheimen der Stadt Wien. Berger E, Katschnig T. Gewalt in Wiener Heimen zwischen und — eine retrospektive Studie aus psychotraumatologischer Perspektive. Ralser M, Sieder R, editors. Kinder und Jugendliche mit Behinderungen in der Wiener Psychiatrie von bis Die Schande von Pavillon Premature popularization of Asperger syndrome.

Asperger syndrome or high-functioning autism? Kanner, Asperger, and Frankl. During his tenure in Washington, D. He earned his Ph. A student of Gerhard Schulz, Heideking's work spanned centuries: He started out as a classicist - his first book focused on antiquity Chronologie des Perikleischen Zeitalters , with Erich Bayer, - but then turned his attention to the twentieth century Areopag der Diplomaten: He later broadened his scope even further by choosing an American topic of the early modern period for his Habilitation.

He traveled to the University of Wisconsin at Madison to mine their holdings in constitutional history. His years in Madison, when he was a Feodor Lynen Fellow of the Humboldt Foundation , had a strong impact on him. He often felt drawn back to Madison and returned almost annually "to celebrate salacious parties," as he joked, with the many friends he and his family had made there over the years. Vorgeschichte und Ratifizierung der amerikanischen Verfassung , , is somewhat misleading. His analysis was not limited to the Constitution but embraced a wide range of topics on American political culture of the "early national period.

His study also demonstrated that the public discourse during the "critical period" of the young nation transformed American society from the republicanism of the founding fathers to a new form of "modern democracy," one characterized by pluralism, that did not exist in Europe. See the forthcoming collection he edited with James A. At a lecture in Jerusalem last year he spoke of a "Pattern of American Modernity" that he believed to be characteristic of America's unique path in history. Fascinated by the many "American cultures," Heideking was convinced - as he told his students and friends on many occasions - that the U.

An author of more than twenty major articles in the fields of international relations and history, and a keen observer of contemporary international events, he also had faith in America's role as a global player. He co-authored three books on this topic, including American Intelligence and the German Resistance to Hitler: A Documentary History The first was published in as German Influences on Education in the United States to ; the second, in , as a special issue of Paedagogica Historica. Upon his return to Germany he told his students that the two-and-a-half years at the GHI had been a very special time for him and his family, but that he longed to get back into the classroom.

He loved class discussions and was an extremely sympathetic mentor as well as a constructive critic. His enthusiastic manner attracted scores of graduate and undergraduate students. Sometimes he would take students on excursions in order to "convey a sense of the immediacy of history. He also designed and developed collaborative book projects with his students. Already in , when very few German professors taught courses on the Holocaust, he edited a remarkable collection of essays that students had written under his guidance Holocaust: Nationalsozialistische Judenpolitik und Judenvernichtung , ; another collection of student essays - on the Civil Rights movement in the United States - is underway.

With funding from major research foundations, he initiated several research projects in the field of U. Aspekte der deutsch-amerikanischen Beziehungen vor dem Ersten Weltkrieg , with Ragnhild Fiebig-von Hase, , and on ceremonies in U. In total he authored and edited over twenty books.

He loved to write and believed that the best way to explain the past was through narrative accounts. Heideking's solid research and his illuminating analyses were written with the kind of clarity and elegance that appealed to scholars and laymen alike. His page overview of U.

In addition to his constant stream of widely respected publications, he established a new book series on U. Studien und Texte zur amerikanischen Kultur und Geschichte" , he edited a series on U. He had faith in the progress of civilization, diplomacy, and liberty. His greatest concern was for the academic prospects of the younger generation; whenever and wherever he could, he helped create new positions for doctoral and postdoctoral scholars.

His work towered over that of many others, but he was entirely free of conceit. He had a touch of modesty and lightness in his voice, and a smile for his students and colleagues. Heideking is survived by his wife, Anne, and two children, Martin and Claudia. The unconditional surrender of the German Reich on May , , not only signaled the country's total military defeat but also the complete collapse of its political system. This internal breakdown was already underway at the time of the Allied invasion of France in June The disintegration proceeded even more rapidly after the Red Army broke through the middle sector of the eastern front.

The dissolution of the government's unity accelerated after the Battle of Stalingrad and was fueled by the increasing ambition of the party agencies to usurp additional administrative prerogatives. Against this background the question of why the regime was able to fight as long as it did - the Allies had already occupied four-fifths of Reich territory before the capitulation was signed - arises. The Nazi leadership did not undertake any serious steps to enter negotiations either with the West or with Stalin.

After Hitler's suicide, Josef Goebbels initiated an abortive attempt to negotiate with Soviet Marshal Georgy Zhukov over separate armistice conditions. As long as Hitler was alive, the regime was incapable of stopping an already lost war. In earlier phases of the war Hitler had blocked any settlement with defeated countries that would have prejudiced future peace negotiations. Even under the pressure of the Allied pro-European propaganda, Hitler avoided any regulation of the impending territorial and political issues with regard to Germany's Western neighbors. To the minister of the Reich Chancellery, Hans-Heinrich Lammers, Hitler remarked that any discussion of a National Socialist concept for reordering postwar Europe was "unimportant for the war effort," and he prohibited any conceptual work for the future.

At this point, Hitler seriously started to think in terms of perpetual warfare in the East. Moreover, Hitler hesitated making strategic decisions with regard to the execution of the war. Obviously, Hitler's strategic decisions corresponded to the same pattern in domestic politics. In pursuing short-term mobilization the regime avoided sketching out alternative strategies in case of unanticipated setbacks. In the long run, it paid for this shortsightedness with increasing inefficiency and a lack of coordination of diverging policies.

The chronic inclination to ignore available raw material and manpower resources originated in the overestimation of the impact of sheer willpower and the built-in competition of rival agencies. Thus, the political system gradually lost its internal controls, which in turn accelerated its disintegration. During the period between July - when Mussolini was dismissed by the Fascist Grand Council - and July the ruling elite in the Nazi regime began to realize that the neverending series of military failures had brought on a critical situation.

The defeat and surrender of the Sixth Army at Stalingrad, which ultimately destroyed the myth of the German army's invincibility, appeared as an especially acute warning sign that was not be overlooked. Less than three weeks after that catastrophe Goebbels in his famous speech at the Berlin Sport Palace on February 18, , announced the necessity of initiating a "total war. Despite attempts to regenerate the Reich Defense Council and, after these failed, to install a Three Men's Committee to enforce long overdue rationalization measures, the lack of coordination within the Reich government persisted throughout the critical year of The replacement of Wilhelm Frick by Heinrich Himmler as Reich interior minister did not reduce the growing administrative chaos and infighting between party and state agencies that absorbed most of the energies of the subaltern leaders.

Himmler was not interested in the agenda of the Interior Ministry; he neglected to devise efficient measures in its general administration and transferred some of its responsibilities to the SS. Not until the crisis of July did Goebbels's efforts to create a more effective central government gain Hitler's reluctant approval. The German dictator timidly avoided any fundamental reform of the leadership structure and was an obstacle to the implementation of the necessary and overdue mobilization of the country's economic and manpower resources.

Thus, Hitler rejected almost all of Goebbels's and Martin Bormann's reform initiatives because he feared that measures of this kind might run into opposition among lower-level leaders or affect his personal prestige. Actually, Hitler had to be carefully shielded from the influence of external advisers in order to preserve at least a certain degree of continuity with regard to governmental decisions.

In this constellation of indecision, the crucial impetus to continue the German war effort came from Albert Speer, the minister of armaments and war production who had taken over almost all of the prerogatives of the Four Year Plan. Due to his personal access to Hitler, Speer became one of the most influential satraps in the regime. He used the same unorthodox methods as the party chieftains and did not hesitate to circumvent ordinary administrative channels and legal procedures.

This strategy proved to be remarkably successful in the short run and enabled him to multiply the armaments output although much of it was the result of his predecessor's skillfully manipulated production statistics. Confronted with the crisis on the eastern front, Speer sent a detailed memorandum to Hitler that advocated an immediate increase in armaments production. Blaming the Three Men's Committee for its obvious shortcomings and inefficiency, Speer pleaded for the installation of responsible leadership entrusted to personalities who were not involved in the continuous infighting between party and state and who would not lose their nerve, even in critical situations.

These demands were tantamount to nominating a plenipotentiary for domestic political affairs similar to the economic dictator proposed in late Weimar. Before this initiative, the rumor that Speer might be named Hitler's successor increased the envy of party chieftains. Bormann, the chief of the party chancellery, and Goebbels were especially alarmed at the prospect that Speer might outflank them and gain decisive influence with Hitler, who himself tended to neglect day-to-day politics and whose energies were almost completely absorbed by the military operations in the East.

By this time Hitler had taken over command of the military himself. Speer's memorandum countered Goebbels's repeated proposal to establish an internal dictatorship and to restore the unity of the Reich government. Goebbels supported Speer's demands in a widely read article in Das Reich. Goebbels knew very well that the biggest obstacle to implementing the plan was Hitler's notorious mistrust and fear of tarnishing his personal prestige. In the aforementioned article Goebbels argued that Speer's proposal had found overwhelming approval among the German public.

There was some truth in this, but the arguments served mostly to overcome Hitler's apprehension. The timing of Goebbels's initiative was perfect and strengthened his hand at a leadership meeting convened by Hitler on July 22 to discuss the Speer memorandum. Keenly aware of Hitler's typical hesitancy, he requested a unanimous vote for his nomination. Nobody dared contradict him. As Goebbels had anticipated in a remark in his diary, however, the new position did not comprise "the domestic leadership. Furthermore, the minister for propaganda grossly overestimated his ability to interfere in almost all vested interests with regard to the intended mobilization of additional manpower, the closing of shops, and the retooling of consumer industries.

This was partly the consequence of his specific perception of politics that stressed the role of propagandistic indoctrination while ignoring the impact of bureaucratic factors. Goebbels saw his role more as setting things in motion and as acting as a catalyst. Actually, the mixed committees that consisted of representatives of the party, the regional administration, and the German Labor Front DAF - founded to speed up military mobilization - turned out to be rather inefficient and only increased the amount of red tape.

Thus, the implementation of Goebbels's announced total mobilization fell far behind expected results. However, he chose to emphasize the propagandistic effect of the whole enterprise and was well aware that the immediate output of his mobilization campaign would take a few months before any increase of new conscripts and available laborers could be realized. But he was convinced that the campaign was indispensable if the pronouncement of total war was not to lose its credibility. He saw the main effect of the campaign as an "incredible improvement in the public mood" and renewed motivation that was engendering "fresh hope.

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The practical consequences for the mobilization of the labor force were therefore secondary. The main consideration was to demonstrate by means of sweeping action that the Volksgemeinschaft people's community possessed a "massed will to action. Goebbels wanted to fight the notion of possible German defeat through the cultivation of a fanatical will to hold on; he was less concerned with marshalling still available resources, which might have been viewed as the means for attaining these ends.

Goebbels, Bormann, and Robert Ley Reich organization leader of the NSDAP responded to the crisis, albeit in an uncoordinated fashion, with an all-encompassing ideological mobilization. Crucial in this respect was their common conviction that only the party was able to achieve a turnabout in German and world history by implementing the revolutionary program that had been but partially fulfilled during the regime's early years.

In the effort to paint itself as the true bearer of the mobilization "of the [nation's] remaining strength" the NSDAP revived the propaganda methods it used during the so-called Kampfzeit time of struggle , that is, the period leading up to Hitler's appointment as Reich chancellor. The experiences of the Kampfzeit were repeatedly referred to in order to demonstrate that through heroic exertion the imminent crisis could be overcome, and for this the party was indispensable.

The provisional defeat of the movement on November 9, , was taken as proof that only the party would be able to reverse serious setbacks. A Party Chancellery directive dated September declared: It has never let itself be led astray through occasional setbacks and severe difficulties. Meanwhile, Bormann had started an internal offensive to increase the unity and fighting strength of the movement after the mass party had become numerically bloated but politically sterile and to mold it into a political combat instrument.

In this regard he could rely on the support of Ley who, besides being the head of the Labor Front, still held the influential position of the Reich organization leader of the NSDAP. Both recognized the party's obligation to support the war effort and its primary task of improving public morale. To achieve this and restore the badly shaken public reputation of the party and its affiliated organizations, Bormann tried to energize the rank and file by continuously arranging obligatory membership assemblies, propaganda marches, and public demonstrations.

Bormann also tried to improve the party's image by introducing special office hours, so-called Sprechabende, when visitors could report their grievances to local functionaries. These steps held the functionaries in line, but they did not significantly improve the party's negative image. More effective were Bormann's efforts to polish the party's image by stepping up its involvement in the welfare sector. The party took up the care of those Volksgenossen who lost their homes in the Allied air offensive or who had to flee combat zones. This tactical move helped to repair the party's image to a certain extent because an increasing percentage of the German population had to rely on the support of the NSV and the party apparatus due to war damages, air attacks, and migration from war zones in the East.

In addition to ongoing efforts to reorganize the party and regain a positive public image, Bormann increasingly put pressure on the public administration and tended to usurp additional functions on the local and regional levels. This process of "partification" - the term was coined by Dietrich Orlow 25 - was fueled by the role of the Gauleiter in their function as Reich defense commissioners and culminated in a growing percentage of them also becoming chiefs of civil administration.

The NSDAP became increasingly engaged as an auxiliary of the Security Police SD and the Gestapo; it also was made responsible for the construction of defenses and fortifications, as well as the sheltering of evacuees. The division of labor between the party and the bourgeois elite that had been accomplished during the era had to be revised.

Hence, the idea to complete the Nazi revolution - arrested in - was revived and led to the idea that the crisis could be resolved by establishing unrestricted party rule in all relevant political realms. In the Nazi leaders' view the military and political crises resulted from the fact that the movement's energy had been sapped by the interference of conservative bureaucrats, who lacked either dynamism or willpower and too often reached half-hearted compromises. Only the party and its spirit could achieve an overall mobilization of the nation's strength and its resources, which had hitherto been prevented by the sharing of political authority with the bourgeois elites.

Therein lay the real source of the current setbacks: The precondition for realizing the "unity of will" consisted not only of the elimination of Jews and other racial aliens but also of the cleansing of clandestine opponents or dissidents in order to achieve racial and political homogeneity. This voluntary attitude, rooted in the Nietzschean cult of the will, and the rejection of mature historical structures had been symptomatic of the movement's early stages, in which the current bleak reality could be overcome only through envisioning future victory.

Under the pressure of imminent defeat, it again came to the fore. The all-embracing ideological mobilization of the party that Bormann pushed for fit precisely into this picture. The party's retreat into the memories of the Kampfzeit coincided with Hitler's personal conviction that the final victory was the predestined outcome of Germany's internal and external fight against the Jewish archenemy. In his mind the unity of will was a pledge to achieve ultimate success. In his last radio speech of January 30, , he argued that the internal unity of the German people, the realization of which he attributed to himself and the Nazi movement, was a unique world historical achievement that had proved its invincibility.

Goebbels had argued against compromising the "purity of the National Socialist idea" by entering into a right-wing coalition, a decision that later turned out to be the right one for the party. Goebbels resorted again to the cult of will in his analogy between the dictator and Friedrich II "the Great" regarding the latter's endurance in the Seven Years' War In his last official proclamation, dated February 24, , the anniversary of the foundation of the NSDAP, Hitler evoked again "our unshakable will" to survive.

The Germans, he believed, would defend every village, every house, and every barn to the last man. At that point, the Western powers would have to acknowledge the futility of continuing an increasingly costly battle between an entire people and an army of paid soldiers. At this late date there arose the notion that if immediate defeat could not be averted, the fight to the last man would at least secure "the victory of the National Socialist idea" in the future.

This final fight could serve as leverage for the renewal of Germany's struggle against its oppressors. Symptomatic for this were Goebbels's attempts, as late as March , to build up the "Werewolf" partisan organization - not so much for military action as to guarantee the survival of Nazi ideology.

Selected and trained by the party, these political officers were attached to every military unit in order to ensure that commanders were toeing the party line, as well as to intensify the ideological indoctrination of the troops themselves. Another aspect of the Party Chancellery's ideological mobilization was the creation of the Deutscher Volkssturm German ethnic militia in October This not only was an attempt to mobilize the remaining human resources in the face of heavy casualties but also to put into practice the total mobilization of the German people that party propaganda had promised.

Bormann pressured the Supreme Command of the Army Oberkommando der Wehrmacht to allow party functionaries to lead the new militia and restrict Himmler's competency as chief of the reserve army to operations and providing equipment. However, the party did not have the militarily trained staff that was urgently needed, and local party chiefs were incompetent.

In the view of Bormann and Goebbels, who strongly favored the militia project, its military value was of secondary importance anyway. To them, the Volkssturm was to be used in the total fanaticization of the entire population. Goebbels declared that the "unified deployment of the entire people, united in the idea of National Socialism," would be the realization of the Volksgemeinschaft.

The enemy that does not have more than it can deploy will eventually capitulate before the massed strength of a fanatically fighting people. These and other, similar propagandistic proclamations signified the blurring of the distinction between the present situation and a heroic future of self-sacrifice, reminiscent of Wagnerian death rhetoric and accompanied by increasing self-historicization.

Hence, propaganda now sought recourse in German national history. It was no accident that Himmler issued the founding declaration of the Volkssturm on October 18, the anniversary of the Battle of Nations at Leipzig, and that he referred expressly to the Prussian Landsturm militia that had allegedly carried the day against Napoleon as a "revolutionary people's movement. This production had been sponsored and heavily subsided by Goebbels, who considered it to be the propaganda equivalent of at least four military divisions.

The film portrayed the allegedly heroic defense of the city of Kolberg against the superior forces of Napoleon and advanced the fiction that this struggle inspired the German uprising of The extent to which the party's mobilization campaign took hold among the rank-and-file and in the general populace is difficult to assess.

In any case, it did manage to prolong the war. Bormann's aim to form a task force specifically to organize the defense "to the last man" in the cities and villages under attack failed because of opposition by troop commanders. Interestingly, the extreme pressure brought to bear on the civilian population made active resistance to the regime extremely dangerous.

This partly explains why public resistance to the continued fighting was extremely rare, even until the very end. The almost total partification of the country had destroyed the last institutional bases for either resistance or dissent. After the failed attempt on Hitler's life in July , the military leadership lost its institutional autonomy as well.

The army was now led by fanatical generals who backed the hold-on propaganda and supported the operation of roving field courts and ordinary military courts, which handed down over 30, death sentences in the final months of the war. At the same time, the nearly omnipotent Gauleiter and Reich defense commissioners unleashed a wave of terror that was primarily directed against the civil population and the numerous forced laborers. In each Gau summary courts were formed by the ordinary judiciary and sentenced thousands to death; they did not hesitate to punish relatives Sippenhaft in cases where the defendants escaped.

Simultaneously, the Labor Education Camps, which had been established by the local and regional Gestapo in order to discipline foreign and German workers, turned into virtual death camps and were used for mass killings until the war's final days. The figure will possibly total several hundred thousand. Because the political system had dissolved to the point of paralysis it was impossible to entertain initiatives to the hold-on strategy, even under such hopeless conditions. Identification of the external and the internal enemy in the minds of the leading elite implied the necessity to eliminate any inimical element or potential dissident.

The escalation of terror therefore was inseparable from the survival myth and the hold-on propaganda. The fictitious world to which the responsible party leaders had become accustomed was derived from re-emerging memories of the Kampfzeit, which were bathed in a heroic glow and reflected a tendency toward self-historicization.

Aside from the completely blind party activists and their fellow travelers, no one was left who could stop the delusional Nazi elite. Germany's leaders were running amok, having lost touch with reality, and finding solace in the fictitious world of the early years of the Nazi movement.

At the same time, the voluntary origins of National Socialism came to the fore, which resulted in an escalation of crime and terror and accelerated the dissolution of administration and government. The process of self-destruction that had accompanied the expansionist policy of the regime was a necessary corollary to military defeat.

Following Hitler's suicide on April 30 the whole Nazi edifice collapsed overnight, and the myth of the survival of National Socialism was finally debunked. Hans Mommsen is a professor emeritus of modern history at the University of Bochum. He currently lives near Munich. Eine Biographie Munich, , ; cf. Schukow, Erinnerungen und Gedanken Stuttgart, , Einigungsbestrebungen im deutschen Machtbereich Munich, , Munich, , pt.

Reuth, Goebbels , , and Goebbels diaries, entries of Sept. Albert Speer, Erinnerungen Frankfurt am Main, , Munich, , here vol. Akten der Partei-Kanzlei T. Darstellung und Dokumentation einer nationalsozialistischen Organisation Boppard, , , Karl Teppe, "Der Reichsverteidigungskommissar: RMdI to Himmler, Sept. Vom deutschen Zusammenbruch und bis zur staatlichen Neuordnung Deutschlands in der Gegenwart , vol.

Zoepf, Wehrmacht zwischen Tradition und Ideologie: Arbeitserziehungslager im Dritten Reich Stuttgart, , ff. Hans Mommsen's rich and complex paper draws our attention to an important but often neglected topic: Discussion of the final phase of the war tends to be precluded by assumptions about inevitability after Stalingrad or obscured by melodramatic, Wagnerian images of the "twilight of the gods. Mommsen's careful, structural analysis is a welcome alternative.

Mommsen's paper on the dissolution and collapse of the Third Reich makes another crucial contribution. It demonstrates the multiple links between domestic and military developments, or what might be called internal and external factors.

Examining events of these two kinds together is key to grasping the dynamics of Nazism and World War II. Conversely, the widespread tendency to separate the Holocaust from the war works against understanding either of those interrelated phenomena. Mommsen offers an effective counter to all such isolating trends; indeed, his work has always considered the domestic and military fronts, the Holocaust and the war as integrated parts of a broader whole. According to Mommsen, from late to May , the Nazi-German government and state underwent an accelerating process of internal dissolution.

It was a dialectical process, Mommsen maintains: Mommsen borrows Dietrich Orlow's term - "partification" - to describe the growth of party power and its implications. In the last year of the war, Mommsen tells us, the Nazi Party returned to the revolutionary ambitions of its Kampfzeit time of struggle. According to Mommsen, after , realization of those goals had been postponed for tactical, opportunistic reasons. But a decade later, the breakdown of the state opened a space for revival of notions such as purity of the will, total mobilization, and mass terror against the German population.

According to Mommsen, the Nazi elite returned to its origins and its predominantly visionary concept of politics. For the Nazi Party, Mommsen indicates, that reversion to youthful radicalism was no aberration. Instead the final phase of the war reveals a terrible continuity within Nazism.

Mommsen argues that, in its eclipse, the Nazi regime exposed its very nature in a rather condensed form, thereby disclosing its "true character. It is not completely clear whether Mommsen intends primarily to account for the totality of the fall of Nazi Germany or to explain how Hitler's regime survived as long as it did despite military disasters. On the one hand, Mommsen suggests that processes of internal disintegration hastened military defeat and made the final collapse more devastating than it might have been.

For example, Mommsen's conclusion refers to the complete atrophy of the political system and the total paralysis of German society, which was not able to resist the suicidal course of the Nazi leadership. The result, Mommsen indicates, was an accelerating process of self-destruction that made the system incapable of ending a war that was already lost. On the other hand, Mommsen contends that the persistence of Nazism against the odds was in fact bolstered by the "hold-on" propaganda and the fanaticism of party elites.

The Nazi Party boosted its prestige quite effectively, Mommsen suggests, by usurping "the competences of private and public relief organizations. Most significant, the leadership's emphasis on "purity of will" increased the terror against anyone considered dissident or half-hearted. As a result, Mommsen points out that almost nobody dared to raise objections to the hold-on propaganda, even after it became clear that there was no chance of victory. Both of Mommsen's arguments - on the totality of defeat and on its timing - are important and convincing.

In my view, however, it is the second of the two that raises the more urgent issues. Scholars of the Nazi period and World War II need to explain how Hitler's regime lasted as long as it did; even more, we need to ask what made people not only tolerate it but fight and kill for it until the bitter end. Reflecting on the last year of the war from that perspective elicits a different set of images from those Mommsen invokes, images that nonetheless can also be understood to reveal the true character of the Nazi regime.

That slaughter helped clear space in the killing center for several hundred thousand Jews from Hungary, most of whom were also murdered. The last year of the war witnessed the total destruction of the city of Warsaw; it saw death marches that left thousands upon thousands dead by the roads; the brutal and often fatal exploitation of millions of slave laborers from all over Europe; and the shooting of thousands of German soldiers accused of desertion, self-mutilation, or defeatism. All of these and many other events remind us that the final phase of the war was characterized by stupendous, unprecedented carnage.

Why did some Germans and accomplices around Europe continue to kill for the Nazi regime - and on such a staggering scale - even after its impending defeat had become practically impossible to ignore? In the face of this question, Hans Mommsen's theme of partification, although important, seems to me to be only one of an interconnected set of explanations. In the rest of my response, I would like to suggest five additional factors that shaped the final year of the war: In order to complement and augment Mommsen's "top-down" analysis, I have chosen illustrations from my own research that draw primarily on the approach commonly known as "history from below.

Viewed from the ground up, events in are at least partly explained by simple cowardice. Under the pressures of war, fear and the drive for self-preservation produced an acceleration of brutality against innocent people. Weinberg has pointed out, each year of a war tends to be worse than the year that preceded it. One might expect such worsening agony to lead those who propagate war to abandon their efforts.

Instead, in the Nazi case, we see the opposite - an escalation of viciousness on many fronts. For example, John C. Fout has observed that during the last year of the war in Hamburg, the number of police raids on men suspected of homosexual activity increased markedly. German authorities responsible for identifying ethnic Germans seem to have redoubled their efforts even as the Red Army overtook their clientele.

Goldhagen presents the death marches of Jews and others in the last months of the war as evidence of heightened terror in the face of German defeat. He attributes the deadliness of those forced treks to the fanatical "eliminationist antisemitism" of "ordinary Germans. Gerhard Weinberg offers a more psychologically simple explanation that revolves around the perpetrators' efforts to protect themselves - a trait far from uniquely German.

For German and ethnic German guards in and , the columns of feeble, starving prisoners they drove from place to place were their ticket away from the front. Guards did not have to be hardcore antisemites or even Nazis to realize that they were much safer moving with their charges into territories still in German hands rather than facing the alternative: What can appear to be fanatical adherence to radical principles might, at least in some cases, be nothing more than a calculated bid to outlive the war. An incident from my research on Nazi policy toward ethnic Germans illustrates how cowardice and self-protective urges could produce results that looked like undying commitment to the cause.

The EU needs to protect its interests and promote its values, and it needs to be able to act as a security provider which requires capabilities and a strong industrial base. Enhancing European defence capabilities through greater European cooperation. Proposals for cooperative projects — developed within the European Defence Agency, include Air-to-Air Refuelling as well as capabilities with both military and civil applications Remotely Piloted Aircraft Systems, Satellite communications, and Cyber defence.

Other proposals aim at allowing for systematic and longer term cooperation. While there have been initial exploratory discussions in and on the implementation of this instrument, the appetite to move forward remains limited at this stage. Reinforcing Europe's defence industry, which is a prerequisite for developing and sustaining defence capabilities and securing Europe's strategic autonomy. A man convicted of theft and assault and battery has been sentenced to amputation. It can be appealed by the defendant.

The Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights prohibit torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, including corporal punishment. Do the European authorities agree that amputation is a cruel punishment which is akin to torture and thus a crime against international law? If so, do you intend to issue an official response, or has such a response already been issued?

What measures do you intend to take to encourage the Yemeni authorities to act immediately to abolish this abhorrent punishment? The EU is firmly committed to the absolute prohibition of all forms of ill-treatment and actively seeks to ensure that third countries share this view.

The EU has also implemented a project which has allowed to raise and strengthen awareness about torture and has worked with civil society organisation on rehabilitating the victims of torture. Al riguardo, l'UE ha istituito un quadro strategico per il Corno d'Africa nel novembre , sviluppandone ulteriormente gli aspetti di lotta al terrorismo nell'ambito del piano d'azione dell'UE per la lotta contro il terrorismo nel Corno d'Africa e nello Yemen. Questi due documenti propongono un approccio globale che mira a sostenere la creazione di amministrazioni locali e regionali solide ed eque, favorendo al contempo lo sviluppo tramite un'ampia gamma di azioni attuate e coordinate sia a livello locale sia a livello internazionale.

Propone di raggiungere tale obiettivo elaborando meccanismi e coinvolgendo istituzioni, settore privato e associazioni imprenditoriali della regione nella sensibilizzazione sui costi del riciclaggio del denaro e del finanziamento al terrorismo, sia a livello nazionale che regionale. L'UE collabora inoltre con le parti interessate internazionali sulle misure volte a contrastare il finanziamento del terrorismo. Esse comprendono azioni che mirano a impedire e scoraggiare che persone partano dall'Europa verso le zone di guerra per fungere da combattenti stranieri e iniziative che offrono assistenza agli Stati membri riguardo alle possibili minacce rappresentate dai rimpatriati.

Questi provvedimenti integrano altre iniziative, quali il sistema d'informazione Schengen di seconda generazione. I servizi di sicurezza e di intelligence degli Stati membri stanno collaborando strettamente tra loro e con i servizi di altri Stati al fine di contrastare i rischi posti da gruppi terroristici stranieri quali Al-Shabaab.

Per quanto riguarda l'analisi strategica della situazione in Somalia, il Centro dell'UE di analisi dell'intelligence trasmette regolarmente relazioni analitiche aggiornate al SEAE, al Consiglio e alla Commissione. In seno al Consiglio, il coordinatore antiterrorismo dell'UE si riunisce periodicamente con i capi dei servizi di intelligence stranieri. The importance of tackling the threat posed by Al-Shabab has been highlighted by the terrorist attack against the Westgate mall in Nairobi, which some analysts warn could embolden the group to launch new attacks.

What steps is the Council taking to prevent funding from Europe falling into the hands of members and supporters of Al-Shabab? What steps is the Council prepared to take to prevent EU citizens from travelling to Somalia for the purpose of joining Al-Shabab? What steps is the Council taking to collaborate with intelligence agencies both inside and outside Europe in order to learn how to tackle the threat posed by Al-Shabab? The EU is committed to supporting the countries of the Horn of Africa and Yemen in reaching peace and prosperity. These two documents propose a comprehensive approach aimed at supporting the building of robust and fair local and regional administrations while fostering development through a wide range of actions implemented and coordinated at both the local and the international level.

The main responsibility and capability for CT, and other issues of national security, rests within the Member States. The EU CT Action Plan for the Horn of Africa and Yemen recognises the necessity of raising awareness and strengthening institutional capacities in relation to anti-money laundering and countering terrorist financing. It proposes to achieve this goal by framing mechanisms and by engaging institutions, private sector and business associations in the region to raise awareness of the costs of money-laundering and terrorism financing, both at national and at regional level.

The EU also collaborates with international stakeholders on measures to counter terrorism financing. The EU supports engagement with civil society organisations, including charitable organisations, based in the diaspora which provide assistance to Somalia to ensure that they are aware of the risks of misappropriation of the money flows by terrorist organisations. Two CT projects address the Horn of Africa under the Instrument for Stability, in particular on terrorist financing and on counter-radicalisation and recruitment.

These include actions aiming at preventing and discouraging people departing from Europe to war zones as foreign fighters, and offering assistance to Member States concerning the possible threat posed by returnees. These actions complement other initiatives, such as the Second-Generation Schengen Information System. These steps are part of the EU's wider and coordinated approach to the region.

Success in addressing the jihadi tourism issue is closely linked to the building of stable and democratic institutions, support for efforts by Somali counterparts to reach out to radical groups in Somalia and the promotion of reconciliation and peace. The issue of strengthening local administrations' rule-of-law and justice capacities is crucial, as is support for the Somali security sector. Member States intelligence and security services are cooperating closely with one another as well as with services in other states to counter the risks posed by foreign terrorist groups such as Al-Shabaab.

These meetings contribute to gaining a clearer picture of the threats posed by terrorist groups. What measures do the European authorities intend to take to ensure that prompt, thorough, independent and impartial investigations are carried out into all cases where there are reasonable grounds to believe that drone strikes have resulted in unlawful killings? Do they intend to support actions to bring those responsible for unlawful drone strikes to justice in public, fair trials without recourse to the death penalty?

Do they intend to ensure that victims of unlawful drone strikes and family members of victims of unlawful killings have effective access to justice and can seek compensation or other forms of redress? The report referred to by the Honourable Member raises important questions. Other recent reports include the findings of the UN Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, Christof Heyns, and the interim report of the UN Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms while countering terrorism, Ben Emmerson, on the use of remotely piloted aircraft in counter-terrorism operations.

The EU stresses that the use of drones has to conform to international law, including the law of armed conflict when applicable. The international legal framework regarding the use of drones is also addressed in the informal dialogue among EU and US legal advisers. The EU has neither the authority nor the means to conduct investigations into specific cases occurring in third countries such as Pakistan.

It does not have the authority or the means to bring individuals to justice or provide compensation or redress for possible victims. Het verkrijgen van adresgegevens door kerkelijke organisaties. Dit artikel is in die wet opgenomen bij de totstandkoming in , aangezien het blijkens de Memorie van Toelichting Tweede Kamer, , , nr. Dit resulteert in de praktijk in de situatie dat persoonsgegevens van mensen, die door een keuze van de ouders op jonge leeftijd zijn gaan behoren tot een kerkgenootschap, de rest van hun leven worden verstrekt aan deze organisaties.

Slechts door een ingewikkelde procedure te doorlopen, waarbij bezwaar gemaakt moet worden bij de overheid en men bij de religieuze organisatie tot uitschrijving moet verzoeken zal het registreren van deze gegevens gestaakt worden. Deelt de Commissie dat kerkelijke administraties, waarvoor deze mogelijkheid immers geschapen is, helemaal geen zwaarwegend algemeen belang vormen? Welke doelstellingen worden volgens de Commissie verwezenlijkt met het verstrekken van persoonsgegevens aan religieuze organisaties?

Deelt de Commissie mijn mening dat bovengenoemde praktijk moeilijk te rijmen is met de eisen die genoemde richtlijn stelt aan de verstrekking van persoonsgegevens aan religieuze organisaties? De Commissie is van mening dat kerkbesturen als doelstelling hebben de leden in staat te stellen hun religieuze overtuiging uit te oefenen. De Commissie begrijpt dat de Nederlandse wetgeving inzake gegevensbescherming volledig van toepassing is d. In practice, this means that people who have joined a church at an early age by decision of their parents have their personal data passed on to these organisations for the rest of their lives.

This can only be stopped by means of a complicated procedure, which involves lodging an objection with the authorities and applying to the religious organisation for deregistration. Does the Commission agree that church administrations, for which this possibility was after all created, do not in the slightest represent important grounds of public interest?

If not, why not? What aims does the Commission believe are achieved by passing on data to religious organisations? Does the Commission agree that the above practice is difficult to reconcile with the requirements imposed by the directive with regard to passing on personal data to religious organisations? The Commission considers that the aim pursued by church administrations is to enable members to exercise their religious belief.

The Commission understands that Dutch data protection legislation is fully applicable i. If so, what was the amount of the payment and the quantity of cigarettes involved? Will it seek new approaches to the recovery of the economy of Cyprus, given that all the evidence shows that the decisions that were taken have made the situation much worse than it was originally?

To what extent were these adverse developments regarding the Cyprus banking system the result of decisions taken by the Eurogroup? What can the Council do in order to reverse the current unpleasant situation in Cyprus? Macroeconomic conditions are developing in line with programme projections, although uncertainty remains high. Fiscal consolidation is advancing in line with the agreed consolidation process. Structural reforms are progressing, although in some cases further efforts are required.

Progress continues to be made as regards the recapitalisation and restructuring of the financial sector, including a further gradual relaxation of administrative measures. This would require a credible commitment from the relevant European institutions to provide the necessary capital and liquidity backing, should this be required.

Such a move would restore confidence much more quickly: Does the Council believe that it would be feasible and beneficial to introduce a state guarantee of all deposits in Cyprus banks, with a view to restoring confidence and reducing the risk of deposit flight if the controls on capital movements were to be lifted? Would a commitment to provide liquidity backing by the relevant European institutions be possible, should this be required, as recommended in the report?

EU citizens are thus being extradited on grounds that are not serious enough to warrant criminal sanctions. Does the Council think it is normal for matters that can be resolved administratively, such as maintenance settlements, to lead to a European arrest warrant being issued, thus making them criminal cases? What steps does the Council plan to take to apply the principle of proportionality in practice? Has the Council assessed the additional administrative costs incurred by Member States as a result of failures to apply the principle of proportionality?

Whilst fully respectful of the sovereign power of the democratically elected parliaments of all Member States to decide which conduct can be liable to criminal sanctions, the Council acknowledges that the practical implementation of the framework Decision on the European arrest warrant has given rise to situations which are viewed by some Member States as problematic in the light of the proportionality principle.

In recommendation 9 of the Final Report, the Council instructed its preparatory bodies to continue discussing the issue of the institution of a proportionality requirement for the issuance of any European arrest warrant with a view to reaching a coherent solution at European Union level. In the follow-up to this report it was highlighted that the fact that numerous EAWs had been issued did not in itself mean that they had been used disproportionately in relation to less serious offences.

It should be noted that in all cases where an EAW is issued, a national arrest warrant or a final judicial decision have been issued beforehand. Some Member States have taken actions to improve their practice as regards use of the European arrest warrant e. In some Member States that have noted the problem of observance of the proportionality principle the number of European arrest warrants issued has decreased accordingly and legislative action has been contemplated. Lastly, the Council notes that there is a broad consensus among the Member States that the proportionality test should be conducted in the issuing Member State, and not in the executing Member State.

Excessively high energy costs are holding back enhanced competitiveness in Greece, creating a hostile environment for many local businesses and potential foreign investors. The corresponding increase in the other Member States was around 0. How does it believe the growth rate forecast by the IMF for the Greek economy in 0.

Does it believe that maintaining the operation of productive structures, the economic recovery and the attraction of investment are feasible when the tax burden for goods and raw materials is placing pressure on demand? Does it believe that it is possible for Greek industry to survive let alone develop with these excessive energy costs which are several times greater than the net cost of energy production? Repayment of government arrears and the faster absorption of EU and EIB funds through the relaunch of major projects are expected to help alleviate liquidity constraints and support investment in , together with the bank recapitalisation process.

Exports are also forecast to be a key driver of growth, led by tourism revenues and international shipping. Energy costs represent an important burden on Greek and European companies. One of the aims of the adjustment programme is to address this issue by also opening up the energy markets and making them more competitive. While energy costs play an important role in competitiveness, labour costs, trade policies and environmental obligations also have an effect on it. Combined with structural reforms in the product markets, these cost declines are contributing to declining prices.

The completion of the internal energy market and a continued focus on energy efficiency in line with EU legislation will be the most effective way to reduce energy costs and improve competitiveness. The choice of what, how far and in which sequence public assets or companies should be privatised is the exclusive result of the Cyprus authorities' decision, taking in to account the various constraints they face and objectives they set for themselves. Further information on the privatisation process in Cyprus is available in dedicated sections of the compliance reports published after each review.

The latest report is available at: Wird ein Unterschied zwischen Krankentransporten und Patiententransporten gemacht? Wenn ja, welche Regelungen gelten jeweils? In diesem Fall findet die Richtliche keine Anwendung auf die erbrachten Leistungen. Will a distinction be made between ambulance services and patient transport services? If so, what rules will apply in each case? According to the proposal for the directive on the award of concession contracts as now agreed between the co-legislators, ambulance services are excluded from its scope provided that they are performed by non-profit organisations or associations.

Therefore, in this case, the directive will not apply to such services. This rule aims at preserving the particular nature of non-profit organisations or associations and should not be extended beyond what is strictly necessary. The same provisions of the directive shall also apply to services the provision of patient transport ambulance services, even if such services are performed by non-profit organisations or associations.

These patient transport ambulance services are a specific sub-category of ambulance services, consisting in pure transport of patients by ambulance while the other ambulance services include various services of medical or para-medical nature. El RRC se basa en el marco de capital de Basilea. In view of the above, what does the Commission think of the possibility that public debt might not be viewed as a risk-free asset in the stress tests?

Does the Commission believe that not viewing public debt as a risk-free asset would send a message of credibility to the markets and to investors? Meanwhile the same types of securities in the available-for-sale AFS and held-for-trading portfolios will be marked-to-market, in line with the scenario employed. Although prudential filters envisaged in the CRR will be respected for the AFS, the impact of the gradual their phasing-out on sovereign exposures will be fully disclosed.

In addition, bank holdings of sovereign exposures, and their respective maturities, will also be disclosed in full. Under the applicable capital requirements directives in the European Union in place until the end of the risk charge for sovereign debt denominated in domestic currency is zero.

However, higher capital charges could arise derived from banks using their internal models. In addition, banks could set aside loss provisions for their holdings of government debt. The CRR framework is based on the Basle capital framework. The Commission will closely monitor any initiative in this respect. Grabaciones de este tipo han constituido pruebas fundamentales en recientes procedimientos judiciales, como el recientemente abierto contra los Mossos de Escuadra por el asesinato de un empresario en Barcelona.

The Spanish Constitution guarantees the right to peaceful protest without requiring it to be subject to authorisation from any authority. Recordings of this kind have constituted key evidence in recent court proceedings, such as in the case recently opened against the Catalonian police force Mossos de Escuadra for the murder of a businessman in Barcelona. The Spanish Government is attempting to put a stop to the high numbers of demonstrations occurring in the country by means of dissuasion and invoking a fear of harsh penalties. In a context in which Spain has been condemned by the OSCE, Amnesty International and many other organisations for the repression that the Government is unleashing and the lack of transparency in this regard, this law intends to further limit the fundamental freedoms of the Spanish people.

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Does it intend to request information from the Spanish Government to ensure that this draft law complies with the abovementioned Charter? Las recientes medidas legislativas sobre los activos por impuestos diferidos deben apoyar la solvencia del sector bancario con arreglo a las nuevas normas de la UE sobre los requisitos de capital. The aggregate figure amounted to In the near future the European Central Bank will carry out the Asset Quality Review in order to establish the true state of European banks that will come under its supervision.

Is the Commission aware of these default rate calculations in the Spanish banking sector? Does it believe that these should be taken into account in order to determine the calculation method of the Asset Quality Review? Does the Commission not think that it would be preferable to know the true state of the Spanish banking sector as soon as possible?

The Commission follows very closely the development of asset quality and non-performing loans in the Spanish banking sector, as these are important indicators for the solvency and long-term viability of Spanish banks. The recent legislative measures on deferred tax assets should support the solvency of the banking sector under the new EU rules on capital requirements. Spain needs to continue monitoring closely the operation and stability of the banking sector. Continued in-depth diagnostics of the shock resilience and solvency of the Spanish banking sector remain vital.

This is also important in order to ensure a proper preparation of the pending assessment of banks' balance sheets by the ECB and the EBA's stress test in the run up to the start of the Single Supervisory Mechanism. Moreover, the banks and the Spanish authorities need to stand ready to deal with any capital shortfalls that the ECB's comprehensive assessment may reveal.

Why is there a discrepancy in the way in which closed fishing seasons are dealt with depending on whether they occur in the Atlantic Ocean or the Mediterranean Sea? The Commission considers that closed fishing seasons are a useful tool to protect fishery resources e. The States therefore look set to lose even more of their economic and fiscal sovereignty.

When will we see an end to this headlong flight towards neoliberalism, which is leading to the break-up of the European Union? Which particular achievement justifies this kind of determination to apply formulas that have so far only been destructive? Berlin is also proposing a new structure for Europe, and has suggested in its draft that the euro area should be built around the German model.

The idea is that each country with the euro should base its economic model on exports rather than on internal demand, as at present, in order to run trade and current account surpluses. Concerning economic developments, the adjustment challenges differ across countries. In many cases the crisis has led to high unemployment and the challenge is now to return to sustainable growth and job creation.

The differentiated strategy is laid out in detail in the Annual Growth Survey and the European Semester. Chiusura di un concessionario di automobili. However, independently of the rights under the directive, the consumer may also have been offered a commercial guarantee voluntarily by the producer.

Its conditions and in particular the extent of the trader's commitments depend on the contract of sale, the warranty statement attached and the associated advertising. The Parent-Subsidiary Directive was initially supposed to prevent same-group companies established in different Member States from being taxed twice when they transfer income from one Member State to another. The legislation has been circumvented, however, and many companies exploit provisions in the directive and mismatches between national tax rules in order to escape taxation completely.

Does the Commission also agree that the anti-abuse provision in the Parent-Subsidiary Directive should be bolstered, i. What is the position concerning specific tax planning arrangements hybrid loan arrangements , for which tax exemptions should be ended? The proposal also introduces in the directive a mandatory anti-abuse provision drafted along the lines of the general anti-avoidance rule laid down in the recommendation on aggressive tax planning COM and adapted to the specifics of the Parent Subsidiary Directive.

The anti-abuse provision will improve the efficiency of measures taken at national level to counteract aggressive tax planning practices under the directive, while enhancing coordinated actions by Member States and ensuring compliance with Treaty Freedoms, as interpreted by the Court of Justice of the European Union. Just a few days after shareholders at Nokia agreed to its partial buy-out by Microsoft, has the Commission already given its approval — a process which is mandatory in order to finalise the takeover of the Lumia and Asha mobile phone business?

According to Reuters, which is usually well informed, the Commission has already given the go-ahead, behind the scenes, without imposing any conditions at all on the buy-out. In other words, Microsoft is very well placed to become, overnight, one of the world's largest mobile manufacturers. Nokia, albeit diminished as Apple and Samsung have gained ground, nonetheless remains the number two mobile vendor across all categories , even if its smartphone market share has dropped a few notches. Can the Commission confirm that these assertions are entirely correct?

The Commission concluded that the transaction did not raise serious doubts in relation to mobile devices because of the limited overlaps between the parties' activities. The Commission also found that the links between Microsoft's mobile operating systems, mobile applications and enterprise mail server software with Nokia's smart mobile devices did not give rise to serious doubts. Moreover, several strong rivals, such as Samsung and Apple, will continue to compete with the merged entity.

A non-confidential version of the Commission decision will be published early this year. La Commission confirme-t-elle cette perspective? Growth, unemployment rates, investment and consumption — everything was subjected to scrutiny and modelled in order to isolate the effects of austerity from other economic factors. The results gave food for thought. The impact of austerity on unemployment rates is also striking: Many scenarios predict that Europe will make an overall return to balance in Doesthe Commission agree with these predictions?

The same figure was 2. The job market impact of forced reductions in public spending and the attendant economic slowdown has also been calculated; the models used in the study show that unemployment levels would be 1. Given the discrepancy between the harsh realities experienced by citizens as a direct result of the strict application of budgetary adjustment mechanisms and the new evidence revealed in this study which suggests that these policies should be abandoned, does the Commission intend to reconsider the economic models it has used to date?

Which economic principles are used as a basis for the current models, which decision-making procedures are followed to select these models and who is accountable in the event that this selection process is found to be seriously flawed? As clearly stated, views expressed represent exclusively the positions of the author and do not necessarily correspond to those of the European Commission. The Commission has always acknowledged that consolidations have negative short term output effects.

But highly indebted countries faced critical pressure from financial markets, or in some cases had completely lost access to markets. In such circumstances, a slower pace of consolidation, even if it had been possible, could have had worse consequences. The paper acknowledges this and states clearly in its conclusions that its findings do not imply that fiscal consolidations should have been avoided p.

Fiscal adjustments are needed because of large accumulated imbalances. Delaying fiscal consolidation would not have eliminated the need for adjustment and related economic costs. In its recommendations under the Stability and Growth Pact, the Commission has consistently stressed the need for a differentiated approach to fiscal consolidation, which takes into consideration both the fiscal space and the current economic situation in member states.

The pace of fiscal adjustment across the euro area has taken these factors into account to limit the negative spillover effects associated with simultaneous adjustments. According to the Commission's forecast, the recovery is expected to continue, and to gather further speed in coming years. More than a thousand NGOs have been inspected and dozens have received warnings. Several of the most prominent human rights groups have been fined, and some forced to close.

It has a wide reach, affecting NGOs working on civil, political, social and economic rights, as well as environmental issues and discrimination, including against lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex LGBTI people. This has also been stressed by a number of international human rights actors UN Special Rapporteurs, Council of Europe human rights Commissioner.

EUR-Lex Access to European Union law

The EU therefore believes that this legislation should be reviewed with the aim of establishing a clear, coherent and consistent framework in line with applicable international standards, notably in the area of freedom of association. The EU remains concerned with the on-going actions of the authorities against the NGO community in the Russian Federation which restrict its space for action.

The European Union conveyed this message in its contacts with the Russian authorities, at all levels of its bilateral relationship as well as in the multilateral context. La Commission a connaissance des cas d'abus et d'exploitation des travailleurs domestiques migrants en Asie du Sud-Est. The violations recorded include restrictions on freedom of movement, physical and sexual violence, food deprivation and excessively long working hours, which equate to exploitation. From the moment the women sign a contract to work in Hong Kong, they become caught in a vicious cycle of exploitation.

The report highlights the repeated failure by the Hong Kong and Indonesian Governments to protect migrant domestic workers from exploitation. The actions of certain administrations put women at greater risk of abuse. The recruitment and placement agencies are blatantly undermining laws designed to protect migrant domestic workers from abuse. An almost complete failure by the Hong Kong and Indonesian authorities to act means that women are continuing to be exploited for financial gain. Two thirds of migrant female domestic workers have been victims of physical or psychological violence.

The requirement for such workers to live with their employers makes them even more isolated and puts them at greater risk of abuse. The Commission is aware of the circumstances relating to situations of abuse and exploitation of migrant domestic workers in South East Asia. Under the Development Cooperation Instrument, several projects for protecting vulnerable migrant workers have been supported, e. Moreover, a globally coordinated civil society action to promote migrants' rights, with a specific focus on migrant domestic workers, will be launched in with a global scope.

The EU will continue to work with the NGOs that provide support for victims of trafficking and seek further meetings with the government and relevant law enforcement bodies to ask for information, raise our concerns and explore ways to cooperate in addressing this issue. When expert analysis is brought to bear on the latest satellite images of the Central African Republic, it becomes clear what terrible devastation is being caused by the human rights violations perpetrated by armed groups and the security forces, both caught up in a spiral of violence.

The images, some of which were shot in early November, show, for example, homes destroyed by fire in Bouca or displaced persons swarming on the outskirts of Bossangoa as the inhabitants flee the violence in that town. These new images give some idea of the damage — in so far as it is visible from space — being done to living conditions and community life, but it is quite impossible, from the vantage-point of a satellite, to comprehend the true magnitude of the impact which the crisis is having in human terms. Will the European authorities take steps, as a matter of the utmost urgency, to curb thearmed groups whose indiscriminate violations of fundamental rights — perpetrated on ascale comparable to crimes against humanity — are sweeping every part of the CentralAfrican Republic?

These actions appear to some extent to be aimed at religious groups; in particular, Muslim members of the Seleka movement target churches and people whom they believe to be Christians. At the same time, Christian militias have been attacking Muslims. Will theyencourage them to speak out, publicly and unambiguously, against all the human rightsviolations perpetrated by the security forces and armed groups, bring the presumedculprits to justice, and grant compensation to the victims?

EU has strongly and repeatedly condemned the widespread human rights violations committed in the CAR in a climate of total impunity and recalled the primary responsibility of the CAR authorities to protect the civilian population, and noted that some of the crimes reported might fall under the competence of the International Criminal Court. This message has been reiterated also locally to the transitional authorities. The EU welcomes all mediation and reconciliation initiatives taken by religious leaders which are indispensable for the different Central African communities and religions to live peacefully side by side once again.

One of the keys to Greek economic restructuring is the recruitment to public service posts of suitably qualified candidates successful in previous competitions based on merit and entered on shortlists for the last three years or more. Such a measure would be feasible under the Memorandum, which requires the recruitment of one official for every five leaving or retiring and one for each dismissal. In view of this:. Does the Commission acknowledge the financial benefits of recruiting new and suitably qualified officials who have been shortlisted for at least three years?

Does it have information regarding implementation of each of the above recruitment ratios under the Memorandum? Have the Greek authorities been asked to provide a timescale for the implementation and completion of administrative staff turnover through the recruitment of successful candidates from previous competitions based on merit?

The recruitment of young, qualified and motivated people who have successfully passed a merit-based competition will have a positive impact on both the long-term efficiency and effectiveness of the public administration. The information on the entries and exits is publicly available at www. Such opportunities provide for a more effective dialogue on this issue than the Investment Agreement, which has a more specific scope. Regarding the risk of European patients travelling to China for organ transplants, the Organs Action Plan, which calls on Member States to establish EU-wide agreements on monitoring the extent of organ trafficking, will help increase organ availability, which is commonly held as the most effective way of combating the illegal trade in organs.

The Commission is preparing a mid-term review of the action plan. Finally an ongoing EU-funded project will also help increase knowledge of trafficking in human beings for the purpose of the removal of organs and develop a set of indicators to identify and measure such activities. These initiatives will provide a fuller picture of current progress and of what still needs to be done in order to combat organ trafficking and transplant tourism. Alzheimererkrankung — genetisch bedingt.

Kleine Kinder, die dieses Gen in sich tragen, haben offenbar eine andere Gehirnentwicklung als Kinder, die dieses Gen nicht besitzen. In welche Richtung soll hier die Forschung sbeteiligung der EU gehen? Neural development in young children with this gene appears to be different to that in children without the gene.

What is the current state of research in the European Union in this specific area? In the light of these new findings, what will now be done in terms of preventive action? A substantial amount of variation of the APOE genotypes has been observed in the general European population depending on geographic location.

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